Stresw&schwa in Faetar
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Stress and schwa in FaetarNaomi NagyAbstractThis paper explores three possible accounts of the prosodic structure of Faetar, a Francoprovençal Apulian dialect: the (lexically) Marked Stress Hypothesis, Marked Vowel Quantity Hypothesis, and the Marked Vowel Quality Hypothesis. Unlike Italian, Faetar's phonology includes schwa, but the phonemic status of schwa has not previously been examined. Several arguments show that Faetar is a language in which stress is lexically marked and schwa is not a phoneme, but rather a reflex of some other vowel(s) in unstressed position. Support for the Marked Stress Hypothesis (and against the other hypotheses) includes: vowel alternations in verb paradigms, the existence of raddoppiamento sintattico, the retention of historical stress assignment, vowel/schwa allophonic alternation in pretonic position, the categorical absence of non-schwa vowels in post-tonic position, and the restriction of stress to the three final syllables. AcknowledgementsI am very grateful for the helpful comments of Mary Clark, Lori Repetti, and an anonymous reviewer. This paper is much improved by their suggestions.1. Introduction.Faetar is a Francoprovençal dialect which is spoken in two small southern Italian villages. The villages are Faeto and Celle, located in the mountains on the western border of Apulia in the province of Foggia. They were settled approximately 600 years ago by emigrants from what is now southeastern France. Due to contact with Italian, Faetar has adapted many properties of Italian (Nagy 1996). However, one way in which it remains distinct from standard Italian is that the vowel schwa frequently appears in unstressed syllables. The phonemic status of schwa is unclear. This paper explores three possible accounts of the prosodic structure of Faetar which are intertwined with the status of schwa.The first, the Marked Stress Hypothesis, is that primary word stress is marked in the lexicon. In that case, vowel quality (full vs. reduced vowel) is predictable: tonic vowels are never schwa, post-tonic vowels categorically reduce to schwa, and pre-tonic vowels (variably) reduce to schwa. Under this analysis, schwa is not phonemic. The second possibility is the Marked Quantity Hypothesis: that vowels are lexically marked as long or short (bi- or monomoraic). Then we can observe that stress appears on the rightmost long (bimoraic) vowel, and short (monomoraic) vowels may reduce to schwa. The lack of a moraic difference between vowel and schwa in Faetar will be shown by the existence of raddoppiamento sintattico in Faetar. The Marked Quality Hypothesis, that vowel quality is lexically marked (schwa as a mid-central vowel vs. other vowels), is one other possible alternative. In that case, the location of word stress is fully predictable: it always appears on the rightmost non-schwa vowel. Schwa, then would be phonemically distinct from other vowels: the mid-central vowel would be a phoneme. The word-position distribution of vowels undermines this hypothesis: if schwa were a phoneme, why would it be the only vowel with the privilege of appearing post-tonically? Like many nonstandard languages and dialects, Faetar has no systematic orthography, long-term historical record, or native speakers trained as linguists. This eliminates many of the tools often used by linguists to determine underlying structure. Therefore, other methods are required to choose among these three hypotheses. I present several arguments to support the first hypothesis, and contradict the latter two. Before presenting these arguments, I provide necessary background information about Faetar and the languages with which it is in contact. 2. Background phonological information.2.1. Faetar consonants and vowels.The vowels and consonants shown in 1a and 2a exist in Faetar (1b and 2b are discussed below). The shading indicates distributional differences between Faetar and standard Italian: phones which are shaded exist in Faetar but are not Italian phonemes, and empty shaded boxes indicate phonemes which exist in Italian but not Faetar (though the sounds may exist as allophones of other phonemes). Faetar has five tense vowel phonemes, shown between slashes. The four lax vowels of Faetar, shown in square brackets, are not phonemes, but allophones of the corresponding tense vowels. They appear optionally in closed syllables, in free variation with the tense forms, but they never appear in open syllables. As the phonemic status of schwa is at issue, it appears here in parentheses. Schwa is distinct from the four lax vowels in that it appears in both open and closed syllables, but never in stressed syllables.(1)a. Faetar vowels b. Apulian vowels(adapted from Nagy 1996:119 and Valente 1975:12)
The phonemic inventory of Faetar consonants is shown in 2a. Additionally, Faetar has phonemic geminate consonants word-internally (Nagy 1994). There are contrastive geminates for all the consonants except /µ/, /Ò/, /v/ and the affricates. (2) a.Faetar consonants b. Apulian consonants(adapted from Nagy 1996:116 and Valente 1975:12)
2.2. Faetar stress.Stress always appears on the rightmost non-schwa vowel of a word. The stressed syllable is always one of the last three syllables in the word. However, stress is not on a fixed syllable, counting from the left or from the right, nor is it consistently on either an odd or an even syllable. Furthermore, stress may be on either an open or closed syllable, as shown in 3:(3) Possible stressed syllable positions
In Faetar, any vowel except schwa may be stressed, and any vowel may appear in an unstressed syllable, as shown in 4. (4) Possible stressed and unstressed vowels
These facts can be accounted for in a straightforward manner. One binary foot, a generalized trochee (Kager 1993), is built at the right edge of the word. Some words have one extrametrical syllable at their right edge, but no more than one. Thus the possible structures for the right edge of Faetar words are: (5)a. Antepenult stressed b. Penult stressed c. Ultimate stressed [SORRY, NOT VIEWABLE]5 shows only the assignment of vowels to syllable nuclei. The strong (left) branch of any foot may have a coda consonant, the weak branch may not. The limitations of one extrametrical syllable and a binary-branching foot restrict stress to one of the rightmost three syllables of the word. Nagy & Reynolds (1997:44-5) show that the variable process of word-final deletion (of segments and syllables) is more likely to occur in Faetar words with antepenultimate stress than in words with penultimate or ultimate stress. This can now be explained as deletion of unfooted segments/syllables, a less costly deletion than for footed segments/syllables, supporting the analysis that extrametrical syllables exist in words with antepenultimate stress. Such extrametrical vowels reduce to schwa as an intermediary step in the deletion process. Similarly, pretonic vowels, all unfooted, may reduce to schwa. An unassociated mora appears in the structure for (all?) ultimate stressed words, which satisfies the requirement that a trochee be binary-branching. The source of the unassociated mora may be from analogy with Italian, or it may exist for historical reasons. Faetar exhibits much variable word-final deletion, a synchronic symptom of the diachronic process of increasing apocope mentioned above. Final unassociated moras may be remnants of word-final segments present at an earlier stage. 2.3. Apulian phonology. While distinctions between Faetar and standard Italian have already been highlighted, the relevant comparison is to the local Apulian dialect, as this is the variety with which Faetar speakers have regular contact. The principal source used for this description of Apulian is Valente 1975, and his findings are confirmed by recordings of speakers from towns neighboring Faeto (Nagy 1996). Valente (1975:64) writes, 'Apulia represents a unified and continuous linguistic area that has its center of gravity and of dissemination in the region of Bari [my translation].' The most distinctive trait of the dialect is that Latin A in both stressed and final syllables is intact, that is, not reduced (ibid 54). All other unstressed vowels reduce to [\] (ibid 36). In Apulian, stress is always on one of the last three syllables (Valente 1975:29). From the data available, it seems to have the same stress system as standard Italian. The phonemic inventories of Apulian, are given above in 1b and 2b. Shading in these two figures indicates differences between the inventories of Apulian and Faetar. 2.4. Raddoppiamento sintattico. Like many southern Italian dialects, Faetar exhibits a process of word-initial consonant lengthening following a word-final stressed vowel, known as raddoppiamento sintattico (RS). I adopt Repetti's (1991:307) analysis of RS: 'raddoppiamento is caused by an empty mora which is present in the underlying representation (not added by a rule) ... [the mora] is now filled by spreading from the initial consonant of the following word.' If there is an empty mora that needs to be associated to an element in the following word, then the vowel in that syllable can be linked to only one mora to begin with. That is, the structure of a word-final stressed open syllable is that shown in 5c. As in Italian, this provides the necessary structure for RS to apply. In Section 3.3, acoustic evidence that RS does occur in Faetar is described. I make use of the presence of RS to illustrate that the Marked Stress Hypothesis is viable and the Marked Quantity and Marked Quality Hypotheses are not. 3. Empirical evidence of RS in Faetar.In this section, I first illustrate the existence of historical sources for RS in Faetar, an important point since Gallic Francoprovençal is not documented to exhibit RS. I then present data showing that Faetar speakers do exhibit RS. This fact supports the prosodic analysis presented above.3.1. Historical source for RS.Jaberg & Jud's (1928-40) transcriptions provide evidence that lexically triggered RS occurs in the Apulian dialects surrounding Faeto. 6 shows forms elicited by fieldworkers for several phrases which contain words that trigger RS (cf. Bertinetto 1985:612, Dulcibella 1934, Grandgent 1927). These forms show a strong tendency to be transcribed with a double initial consonant in most southern Italian data points. I have chosen three representative points for comparison: the two towns closest to Faeto and the closest city. The data from Napoli, the next closest city, show RS applying categorically in these words.(6) RS in the neighboring towns and closest cities (Jaberg & Jud 1928-40)
The phrases in 7 give more recent evidence of lexically triggered RS in Apulian. They are extracted from narratives recorded in three southern locales and transcribed in Valente (1975:66-69). The list includes phrases which have contexts for RS, but includes some instances where the lengthening did not occur, or at least was not transcribed. (7) RS patterns in near-by dialects (Valente 1975:66-69)
3.2. Design of experiment.The experiment described in this section forms part of a corpus of material collected by the author during three summers of fieldwork in Faeto, during which interviews, direct elicitation, and quantitative analysis techniques were developed and used. The full corpus consists of approximately 50 hours of recorded speech from more than 100 speakers, recorded between 1992 and 1994. The relevant portion of the corpus, produced in order to have a directly comparable quantity of speech data from many different speakers, was gathered by recording 60 speakers, ranging in age from six to 87 years. Speakers were asked to name objects pictured in a children's book (Amery & Cartwright 1987) and then describe the scenes pictured on ten pages. This allowed for the elicitation of a careful pronunciation of each word in isolation and then, ideally, several repetitions of the word in sentence context.For this experiment, the durations of word-initial consonants in various contexts were examined in the speech of one representative speaker: a 29 year old woman recorded in 1994. 87 segments were measured: all of the clearly recorded instances of word-initial /m/ and /f/ in the storybook recording. After transcribing the speech in full, transcriptions were searched for all appearances of word-initial /m/ and /f/. A list of the phrases examined, and the relevant consonant duration for each, appears in the appendix. Recordings were digitized and the duration of the initial segments measured from on-screen spectrograms using Xwaves on a Unix Sparcstation in Mark Liberman's lab. The measurements were grouped according to the class of the preceding segment: consonant (C), full vowel (V), or schwa (\). 3.3. Results of experiment.There is a significant effect of preceding segment. Figure 1 and Table 1 show that word-initial consonants are longer following V than following [\] and C. (The two graphs show durations for the two target segments examined.) Statistical significance was determined by Kruskal-Wallis One-Way Anova, a non-parametric test which assumes neither normal distributions nor equivalent variances for the samples being compared, and which can operate on small samples, necessary assumptions for this analysis. The statistical analysis was carried out in Systat 6 with the excellent assistance of Suzanne Mitchell.These data illustrate two points. The first is that RS occurs in Faetar. This is shown by the difference between length of word-initial consonants which follow RS-triggers (V) and those following non-triggers (C, [\]). The second is that V triggers RS and [\] does not, indicating a difference in prosodic structure between syllables with schwa and those with other vowels.
Figure 1. Average duration according to different preceding segments
Table 1. Durations according to environment (in seconds)
3.4. Discussion of experiment.The difference in average duration between V and \ is significant (at the p = 0.05 level or better) for both target consonants examined, indicating that V triggers RS and \ does not. The difference in average duration between V and C is significant only at the p = 0.1 level, due to the small number of consonant-final words in the corpus. However, even in these cases, the trend is in the necessary direction to support the hypotheses.These data indicate two things: RS occurs in Faetar, causing a lengthening of word-initial consonants following stressed vowels, but not following schwa. This is explained as the initial consonant linking to an empty mora in the final stressed syllable of the preceding word (Repetti 1991). As syllables can contain no more than two moras, only one mora may underlyingly be linked to a stressed vowel, and therefore there cannot be a difference in association of moras to stressed vowels and schwa (as shown in 5). However, since RS does not apply when there is a word-final schwa, the difference in stressed and unstressed syllable and foot structure shown in 5 is motivated. Therefore, stress is marked in the lexicon, and vowel quality/quantity need not be in order to account for Faetar's patterns. 4. The Problem.Unlike standard Italian, Faetar has many words in which [\] appears word-internally. The question arises as to whether the segment has phonemic status or is the reduced allophone of some other vowel(s) in unstressed position. This issue is crucially linked to the analysis of stress. There are three ways to think about the interaction of stress and schwa in Faetar.4.1. The Marked Stress Hypothesis.The first hypothesis proposes that stress is lexically marked and vowel length is not. Specifically, certain words have an extrametrical final syllable marked in the lexicon. A binary-branching trochee is built at the right edge of each word, as shown in 5. All vowels in the weak branch of the foot surface as schwa, accounting for the fact that immediately post-tonic vowels are schwa. All vowels in the strong branch surface as a full vowel (not schwa). Pre-tonic vowel quality is unpredictable: a given speaker may produce a given word at one time with a full vowel and at another time with a reduced vowel. I have heard, for example, [taw\'lin\] and [tawo'lin\] 'table' (dimin.), and [pi\'rann] and [pia'rann] 'grandfather.' If we assume that only one foot is built on each word (at the right edge), this accounts for the allophonic alternations between schwa and non-schwa vowels in pre-tonic position: these vowels are not footed, so there is no requirement that they be either schwa or not schwa.Support of lexically marked stress is found in the marking of particular morphological classes, such as past participles and many infinitives, by word-final stress. Examples are given in 8. Such forms cannot be analyzed as words ending in underlying long vowels because RS applies to these forms when they appear in the appropriate context, and, as discussed in Section 3.4, RS would not apply if the vowel were long. Rather, these words must have a bimoraic final syllable, where one mora is not underlyingly associated to a segment. (8)
Historical evidence also supports lexically marked stress, as Francoprovençal, the source language of Faetar, has lexically marked stress. Although Francoprovençal requires that stress be on one of the last two syllables, there are minimal pairs like ['ata] 'sing, 2nd sg. imperative' vs. [a'ta] 'sing, 2nd pl. imperative' (Martin 1990:673). There is no way that stress could be predicted to appear on different syllables of the two members of this pair, as they are otherwise identical. For a number of words, comparison with the Italian source form of borrowings into Faetar indicates that a final segment or syllable has been deleted since the Italian word was borrowed into Faetar, without affecting the stress pattern. Apparently, stress appears on the last syllable of the word in the Faetar word because that is the syllable marked for stress in Italian. Such diachronic evidence is not available to a speaker's grammar, so stress must be lexically marked for these words. (9) Some Italian borrowings with word-final stress in Faetar (Faetar transcriptions from Minichelli 1994)
4.2. The Marked Quantity Hypothesis.A second potential analysis is the Marked Quantity Hypothesis: that vowels are marked as short or long in the lexicon (distinguishing short schwa from other, long, vowels), and then stress is predictably assigned to the rightmost long vowel. The problem with this analysis is that the difference between schwa and other vowels in Faetar cannot be accounted for moraically, and cannot be lexically marked. A phonemic distinction in vowel length would have to be represented by different associations between segments and moras for schwa vs. non-schwa vowels. The prosodic structures presented in (5) do not allow for any leeway: both long (i.e. non-schwa) vowels and schwa must be associated to exactly one mora.Furthermore, this hypothesis is contradicted by the fact that only schwa appears in post-tonic syllables. If schwa were a phoneme, there's no reason why it, uniquely, would appear in this position. Similarly, the alternations between schwa and other vowels in pre-tonic position could not be accounted for. Finally, if the difference between schwa and other vowels were that other vowels were bimoraic (lexically marked as long) and schwa were not, then RS would not be expected to apply: there would be no unassociated mora in word-final full vowels. Section 3 shows that RS does apply when there is a full vowel, and not when there's a schwa, supporting the Marked Stress Hypothesis rather than the latter two.
4.3. The Marked Quality Hypothesis. One alternative approach is that Faetar vowel quality is lexically marked. The vowel phonemes are then /i, u, e, o, a and \/. By rule or constraint, stress will be placed on the last syllable with a non-schwa vowel. While apparently descriptively adequate, such an approach cannot account for alternation in verb paradigms. Many paradigms contain pairs as listed in 10: some verb forms have a stressed full vowel in the last syllable of the root and other forms have an unstressed schwa in the same position (Giuliani 1995:147). Presumably, the underlying root forms of various elements of a paradigm are identical. (10)
Second, if we assume that vowel quality is marked in the lexicon, there is no way to correctly assign stress by rule or constraint in Faetar, given the diversity of word types shown in 3. For example, if we take a common Faetar word, ['brok\l\] 'fork', there is no way to predict that it is pronounced ['brok\l\] rather than [br\k\'le] or [br\'kel\]. A regular right-to-left trochee-forming grammar would produce the latter form, rather than the appropriate one, if schwa were a phoneme. 5. Conclusion.Several arguments have shown that Faetar is a language in which stress is lexically marked and schwa is not a phoneme, but rather a reflex of some other vowel(s) in unstressed position. Support for the Marked Stress Hypothesis (and against the other hypotheses) includes: the vowel alternations in many verb paradigms, the existence of RS in Faetar, the retention of historically-motivated stress assignment, the alternation of vowel and schwa in pretonic position, the categorical absence of non-schwa vowels in post-tonic position, and the restriction of stress to the three final syllables.ReferencesAmery, Heather & Stephen Carthwright. 1987. The first hundred words. Tulsa: Educational Developmental Corporation. Bertinetto, P.M. 1985. A proposito di alcuni recenti contributi alla prosodia dellitaliano. Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Serie III, XV.2:581-643. Dulcibella, J.W. 1934. The Phonology of Sicilian Dialects. New York: AMS Press. Fiorelli, P. 1958. Del raddoppiamento da parola a parola. Lingua Nostra. 19.122-7. Giuliani, F. 1995. Ricerche sul francoprovenzale di Faeto e Celle San Vito (in provincia di Foggia). Florence: Università di Firenze thesis. Grandgent, C. 1927. From Latin to Italian: An Historical outline of the phonology and morphology of the Italian language. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Hoffman, Robert Joseph. 1968. The Franco-Provençal dialect of Faeto. Columbus: The Ohio State University thesis. Jaberg, K. & J. Jud (eds.). 1928-1940. Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der südschweiz. Zofingen: Ringier. Kager, René. 1993. Shapes of the generalized trochee. Proceedings of the 11th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics. 298-312. Kattenbusch, D. 1982. Das Frankoprovenzalische in Süditalien. Studien zur synchronischen und diachronischen Dialektologie. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Martin, J.-B. 1990. Französisch: Frankoprovenzalisch. In Lexikon der Romanistischen Linguistik. ed. by G. Holtus, M. Metzeltin, & C. Schmitt. 6:671-85. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Minichelli, V. 1994. Dizionario francoprovenzale Celle di San Vito e Faeto. Alessandria: Edizione dellorso. Nagy, N. 1996. Language contact and language change in the Faetar speech community. University of Pennsylvania dissertation. Philadelphia: Institute for Research in Cognitive Science. . 1994. Language Contact: Italian (?) Geminates in Faetar. Belgian Journal of Linguistics 9.111-128. & Bill Reynolds. 1997. Optimality theory and variable word-final deletion in Faetar. Language Variation and Change 9.1.37-56.Repetti, Lori. 1991. A moraic analysis of raddoppiamento Fonosintattico. Rivista di Linguistica 3.2.307-330. Saltarelli, M. 1970. A Phonology of Italian in a Generative Grammar. The Hague: Mouton. Valente, V. 1975. Puglia. In M. Cortelazzo (ed.) Profilo dei dialetti italiani. vol 15. Pisa: Pacini. Appendix: Word list for RS experiment
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